L’anxiété de performance est une problématique existant dans différents domaines, mais particulièrement analysée dans le sport, l’éducation, ou la musique (Kenny, 2011). Plusieurs chercheurs estiment que l'anxiété de performance affecterait entre 20 et 35 % de tous les élèves et entre 16,5 et 60 % des musiciens professionnels (Fernholz et al., 2019; Patemiti, 2007). Dans une perspective large, celle-ci peut être définie comme un état psychologique désagréable en réaction à la perception d’une menace concernant une performance ou une tâche sous pression (Cheng et al., 2009). Partant de cette définition, on pourrait supposer que l’anxiété de performance puisse être observée dans davantage de domaines, notamment le travail et d’autres rôles sociaux importants comme la parentalité ou même la conjugalité. La pression de performance est complexe, car elle pourrait venir tantôt de l’extérieur (parents, amis, employeurs, entraineurs, voire société, etc. (O’Rourke et al., 2014; Poulin et al., 2015; Wang et al., 2020; Wiedermann et al., 2020) , tantôt venir de la personne elle-même en fonction des standards excessifs ou non qu’elle s’impose (Frost et al., 1990; Stoeber, 2018; Rowland et al., 2019), et de son degré d’expérience compétitive, de ses habiletés ou de ses responsabilités (Hanton et al., 2008; von Der Embse, 2017). Le présent numéro spécial vise à porter un regard large sur ce phénomène qui semble pouvoir affecter une diversité d’individus. Dans un premier temps, cet article d’introduction présente les modèles principaux qui ont été développés pour expliquer l’apparition et le maintien de l’anxiété de performance. Par le fait même, ces modèles feront ressortir les principales variables qui méritent d’être considérées dans différents contextes d’anxiété de performance. Ceci permettra de mettre en évidence la diversité des conceptions et nous permettra ensuite de contextualiser l’ensemble des thèmes d’anxiété de performance qui seront abordés dans le numéro. Comme point de départ, l’étude du phénomène passe nécessairement par l’étude de l’état émotionnel central, l’anxiété. L’anxiété comme état situationnel ou comme trait est déjà un sujet complexe avec de multiples modèles tentant de l’expliquer (Cheng et al., 2009; Kenny, 2011). L’influence de l’anxiété sur la performance dans les divers domaines mentionnés ci-dessus vient complexifier l’explication de sa genèse et de ses conséquences. Parmi les théories qui ont inspiré les premiers modèles d’anxiété de performance, on retrouve principalement celles basées sur l’éveil physiologique ou émotionnel. La théorie de l’impulsion (traduction libre; drive theory) (Hull, 1943; Spence et Spence, 1966) appliquée à la performance, propose qu’il existe une relation linéaire entre le niveau d’excitation et la performance, et que cette dernière va augmenter ou diminuer, dépendamment du niveau de maîtrise de la tâche. Dans les premiers stades d’apprentissage, une anxiété élevée nuirait à la performance, tandis que lorsque la tâche est maîtrisée, la performance pourrait être améliorée. Parmi les premières critiques de ce modèle, on retrouve le manque de support empirique (Martens, 1971, 1974) et l’absence de considération de l’impact des cognitions (Gill, 1994). Par la suite, la théorie de la courbe en U inversée a été un point marquant dans le domaine (Figure 1). Celle-ci trouve ses bases dans une étude datant du début du siècle par Yerkes et Dodson (1908) mesurant l’apprentissage de souris, lorsque soumises à des punitions de forces et de fréquences différentes. Cette théorie aurait été généralisée de façon plutôt controversée à la performance humaine en relation avec le stress, l’éveil physiologique ou émotionnel (Broadhurst, 1957; Kenny, 2011). Selon cette théorie, il existerait un éveil ou une anxiété optimale, souvent d’intensité modérée, pour laquelle la performance serait maximale (Jones, 1995; Pallazolo et Arnaud, 2013). Cette théorie a reçu un appui empirique mitigé, certaines études apportant un faible soutien pour la …
Parties annexes
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